Image Source: The Guardian
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What Do We Mean By "Defunding the Police"?
It’s fairly self-explanatory. The calls have come largely as a result of perceived excessive use of police force or harassment (particularly against people of colour) and the failure to properly deal with the root causes of crime, social injustice and inequality.
Those calling for the police to be defunded argue that a large section of public funding currently used to finance policing (in Wales around £782million a year) and the prison system (about £190million a year) would be better spent on community-level support services to prevent crime, public safety measures, social services and restorative justice, with the role of the police greatly reduced.
Proponents of police abolition may argue that policing is unreformable and should be gradually phased out completely – though there may be differing views on what exactly would replace policing, and whether the slogan “abolish the police” is more about shifting the Overton window towards defunding rather than abolishing the police entirely (though this is disputed).
Defunding the Police: Case Studies
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Protestors in the city where George Floyd was murdered successfully managed to get police defunding on the political agenda in local government.
After moving $7.7million (about 4.5% of the city’s policing budget) towards mental health and violence reduction programs, the city council tabled an amendment to the city’s charter. This would have removed a requirement for there to be a minimum number of sworn police officers and also rename the police department to “Department of Public Safety”. This new department would be put under the direct control of the council and take a public health approach to crime.
The proposal went to a referendum but was unsuccessful with electors voting 56.2% – 43.8% against the amendment. While the city council restored funding to the police department, they also invested more in mental health services.
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Between 2010 and 2015, the UK Home Office cut the policing budget by up to 20%, resulting in the loss of an estimated 21,500 police officers. While it’s true that this doesn’t strictly count as “defunding” (because the money was simply cut and not reinvested in other services), at the start, it had little impact on crime rates.
A lot of this money was later re-collected as inflation-busting increases to council tax precepts via the newly-created Police & Crime Commissioners. After several years of falling crime, by 2014-15, crime rates started to rise again and an increase in terror-related incidents and violent crime prompted a rethink on austerity measures. Policing budgets started to be increased and the Conservatives promised a police recruitment drive.
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In 2020, Austin City Council agreed to cut their police department budget by $150million following anti-police brutality protests. Most of this was a redirection of the police department’s services to other areas of the city government, though $50million was invested in alternative community safety projects. These included the introduction of unarmed civilian enforcement officers rather than armed police officers to respond to minor infractions. Unfilled police vacancies (said to be around 150) were also withdrawn.
The move was criticised by the Governor of Texas who believed it would put serving police officers at risk, while protesters argued that it didn’t go far enough as not enough funding was redirected towards social programmes. Within a year, the city council effectively reversed the policy and awarded the police department one of the largest budgets in its history. It’s been argued that this budget was largely to institute long-term reforms to the police department, but it came after a localised spike in violent crime.
Defunding the Police: Arguments For & Against
The police aren’t always qualified to deal with the situations they may come across – As mentioned in previous articles, the police have ended up having to perform roles they aren’t necessarily trained properly to do. This may include, for instance, responding to people in a mental health emergency, attempting to de-escalate violence (rather than simply responding with force-in-kind) or checking up on people who would otherwise be referred to social services.
Police involvement in these kinds of things should be a last resort than a first resort and would be better dealt with by specifically-trained professionals and experts. When the police misstep or fall short when performing these not-strictly-policing roles, then naturally it could lead to increased community tensions or increased mistrust (i.e. the death of someone with mental health problems in police custody). Seeing a police car on blue lights turn up may make matters worse rather than better.
The police have largely become a reactive force and there isn’t enough focus on addressing the root causes of crime – The police’s primary role is to keep the peace and that means they’re often used in reaction to crime, potential crimes or someone being put in immediate danger. This could be interpreted as meaning – and perhaps is by many on the left – that the police are a means for the wealthy to protect their property and societal interests or almost act like hired security for the government.
There is undoubtedly some good community policing on the ground in some areas. Unfortunately, it’s far cheaper and easier for governments to fund a police force to hold back and contain social problems instead of making the necessary investments to reduce inequality and the kind of social conditions that breed crime.
Reforms haven’t worked; “the police look after their own” – The last few years have seen a steady trickle of stories about individual police officers or groups of officers abusing their positions or even committing crimes themselves.
While scepticism or outright hostility towards the police isn’t as widespread as defunding or abolition campaigners might think it is, it all erodes trust bit by bit. Protesters are increasingly seen as a nuisance or something the UK Government would like to clamp down on instead of being properly engaged with and there’s the chilling effect of things like facial recognition vans and holding disciplinary hearings behind closed doors.
There hasn’t been any meaningful reform to the police in the UK for several decades – particularly in terms of accountability; most of the changes have been window dressing. While the “Blue Code of Silence” – where police officers don’t inform on each other – perhaps isn’t as strong in the UK as it is in the US, recent stories do beg the question as to whether attitudes amongst the police that we thought died out in the 1970s were just quietly compartmentalised and still exist?
It sounds unrealistic even if there’s support for some of the goals behind it – No mainstream political party in the UK supports “defunding” or “abolishing” the police and even in places where it has happened to an extent, such as the US case studies mentioned earlier, the cuts were usually reversed or were never quite what they seemed. That doesn’t mean it can’t happen, just that it’s facing challenges from the start.
A “tough on crime” attitude still prevails in UK politics, particularly amongst middle England, and any suggestion that police numbers should be cut, or money redirected to “those undeserving poor”, would be fiercely resisted by the Conservatives and probably Labour too. There’s a risk that “defund the police” comes across as fantasy politics which has ended up muddying more nuanced calls – which probably has political support – for greater investment in social support services.
If anything, we’re probably going to see increased spending on the police (if not necessarily in real terms) and that has to happen if the Conservatives are going to see through their manifesto commitments on crime or enforce their various clampdowns.
It would probably lead to private policing – If the public sector vacated policing, then what do those defunding and abolition campaigners think the wealthy and suburbanites will do to protect themselves from the hoi polloi?
There would likely be a large pool of ex-police officers eager to provide private security and investigatory services to those willing to pay for it…and probably lightly regulated too. For the rest of us, if the police don’t have the resources to respond to crimes there would be vigilantes at best. More on this later in the week.
Would it lead to a spike in crime? – The obvious argument against, but there’s no obvious answer. What’s more likely under a defunding scenario is that crimes would take longer to respond to and cases would take longer to clear. A shrunken police force would probably concentrate on the worst of the worst while, as mentioned, private security contractors step in to deal with the rest.
The idea of not having an organised state-backed force to maintain the peace probably is attractive to some people too. Crime would not necessarily increase if money was properly invested in the kind of public services that deter and prevent crime. If that social investment doesn’t materialise, then the likely victims would be those living in deprived areas.
Any spike in crime, short-term or not, would immediately be blamed on cuts to policing and put pressure on politicians to reverse it.
What Are The Alternatives?
Technically speaking, we already have this to a degree through Police Community Support Officers (PCSOs) and local authority civilian enforcement officers. In most low-level situations, a police officer wouldn’t be involved where their presence may lead to escalation of a tense situation. This could be extended with PCSOs, or another type of civilian officer, trained to deal with conflict resolution and de-escalation.
If the police were abolished, then you would expect some sort of civilian/volunteer force to end up taking its place and/or more people acting in self-defence.
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As mentioned previously, some jurisdictions such as Canada are moving away from mandatory minimum sentencing. There’s long been a desire to steer lower-level offenders, and particularly women, away from shorter prison sentences, as well as a more general drive for greater use of community sentences. That hasn’t materialised yet, but moves to cut custodial sentences amongst young offenders in Wales were described as promising by the Thomas Commission.
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The police would still have to be able to use controlled violence and restrain techniques in certain dangerous situations. Longer-term, there would be an opportunity to change how police officers are trained and the required knowledge to become a police officer in the first place; we need brains and brawn.
If policing eventually became a graduate role, then that could come with a more in-depth study of psychology, sociology and criminology as well as the usual practical and applied policing methods. Most forces now require officers to wear body cameras too, while Gwent Police recently appointed a social worker to assist in cases involving young victims of crime and possible abuse.
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At the moment, individual police officers and police forces are held accountable by the Independent Office of Police Conduct (IOPC), as well as the elected Police & Crime Commissioners.
One suggestion I made in a recent post would be to move toward Civilian Review Boards. Review Boards would be made up of members of the public and would make decisions on police conduct independently of their respective forces. There’s also the option of a formal Policing Tribunal as part of the court system with an enforceable code of conduct for all police officers.
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This would involve dealing with the root causes of crime. These range from general poverty, inadequate housing, poor life chances and substance abuse to more general inequality. The money and resources would have to come from somewhere, whether it’s higher taxes, public borrowing, redirecting spending from areas such as health, or reforming housing and property laws to boost supplies of social housing.
How Could Wales Defund (or Abolish) the Police??
Defunding the police would simply mean redirecting a proportion of the estimated £782million currently spent on policing towards alternative services in health and social services.
How much and where that money would go depends entirely on the priorities of the government. If police funding in Wales was cut by – for argument’s sake – 20%, while £156million is a lot of money on paper it perhaps wouldn’t go far enough by itself to generously fund a new wave of social housing building, substance abuse programmes and community-focused social intervention services.
It’s unclear how many officers would be laid off with each percentage point decrease in spending, but if Conservative austerity led to a loss of 21,500 officers off an up to 20% decrease in real terms spending, then the equivalent figure for Wales would probably be somewhere around 1,060 (15% of current FTE officers). PCSOs, crisis teams and other community-level workers could perhaps fill that gap in terms of numbers, but it would undoubtedly have an impact on responses to more serious crimes and criminal investigations.
As for police abolition – the literal kind of completely doing away with policing altogether, not the sloganeering – that’s probably more difficult.
The best case scenario would be that communities feel less brutalised and start working together to improve their lot. Policing would become something everyone takes upon themselves to do – neighbourhood watch combined with a social network. Justice would become less about taking people away and locking them up and more about social restoration/restorative justice – confronting a problem, making amends (where possible) and then reintegrating back into the community.
The more likely, pessimistic, outcome is that something or someone would come along to fill the gap left by the police. It probably wouldn’t be the community outreach mental health crisis teams and de-escalators that campaigners want. It’s more likely to be vigilantism – the online paedohunters and amateur Columbos forming the backbone of it. The worst case scenario is that the state simply deploys the military to the most serious incidents and they become a de facto gendarmerie.
In the absence of a large organised police force, those who could afford it would probably pay for private security (likely made up entirely of ex-police officers and ex-military) – which, depending on the levels of regulation, could lead to one system of policing for the poor and one for the wealthy. Most people would probably have to pay for lower-level crimes to be investigated in any meaningful way – again probably all done by ex-police officers once funded through taxation.
And that somewhat dystopian scenario is where I turn to next….
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