The next set of key results from the 2021 census covers identity.
That includes national identity, ethnicity and – for the first time – official statistics on sexual orientation.
A reminder of the ground rules:
- The figures will be counted at council level (the 22 unitary authorities). There are probably more interesting results at a local level/ward level, but that’s not for me to do. You can look these up yourselves using the ONS’s interactive map.
- Percentages are rounded to the nearest decimal place and changes are percentage point increases or decreases (unless stated otherwise).
- 2021 will be compared to both the 2011 and 2001 censuses unless comparable figures are unavailable (i.e. things were counted differently in 2021 compared to previous years) or I couldn’t find the data for whatever reason. In some instances, there won’t be a comparison because it’s a new category.
- Any conclusions are educated guesses rather than hard/academically rigorous conclusions.
What’s the overall national picture?
One of the most marked changes in the census not commented on anywhere is the sharp decline in people identifying as English in Wales. It’s near enough the same proportional decline as people identifying as Welsh in some way.
English-only identity fell by 2.1%, with the proportion of people at least partially identifying as English falling by 1.8%.
What are the standout findings for individual councils?
It’s no surprise that there remains strong English or English & another identity in the “Costa Geriactrica” (Conwy, Denbighshire) and border counties like Flintshire, Powys and Monmouthshire.
Flintshire – where there’s a lot of cross-border movement daily – has the highest proportion of English-identifying residents at 25.4%.
Apart from Flintshire, it’s very much a rural-urban split, with higher levels of English identity in rural local authorities compared to urban ones. English identity in the south rarely exceeds single figures.
What’s perhaps surprising is that Cardiff has a low proportion of English-identifying residents, with only 8.5% identifying at least partially as English. You would’ve expected this to be a bit higher given cross-border movements and the impact of cross-border students.
What may be the reasons behind the changes (if applicable)?
Much like Welsh identity, large proportions of the English living in Wales have seemingly opted to identify as British this time around.
Maybe that’s sensitivity to living in another part of the UK and wanting to express a shared identity, or for the same reasons as discussed in previous sections: Brexit’s rally to the flag effect on Leave voters or a backlash against independence and devolution.
Are there any public policy implications?
Not really.
Though given the large proportion of English-identifying people living in rural Wales there’s always a risk that policies being developed by the Senedd and Welsh Government that deal with certain issues – such as second homes and Welsh language place names – end up looking like a targeted attack on the English in Wales, not a means to deal with a serious social or cultural problem.
